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HUGO, Victor

Les Misérables

Paris, Pagnerre, 1862

VERY FINE INSCRIPTION FROM VICTOR HUGO TO THÉODORE DE BANVILLE, WHO HAD HIS COPY BOUND BY LORTIC, THE BOOKBINDER OF BAUDELAIRE AND HIS “CENACLE”.

THÉODORE DE BANVILLE, A FRIEND OF BOTH VICTOR HUGO AND BAUDELAIRE, IS THE MAIN DEFENDER OF LES MISÉRABLES, A BRILLIANT AND GLOBAL LITERARY WORK.

AT THE CROSSROADS OF MODERNITIES

FIRST EDITION, without an edition statement on the wrappers

5 volumes 8vo (234 x 148mm).

INSCRIPTION, on a blue leaf bound at the head of the first volume :

À Banville
son ami
Victor Hugo

[To Banville
his friend
Victor Hugo]

CONTEMPORARY BINDING SIGNED FIVE TIMES BY PIERRE-MARCELLIN LORTIC, at the tail of the spine. Red morocco spine with five raised bands, sides in marbled paper, gilt upper edges. The titles of the parts of the work are inscribed on the spine of the volumes.

Les Misérabless is one of those few novels of world literature essential in any library. The totality that the novel encompasses, the characters elevated to the rank of myths, the scenes in the streets of Paris, the dazzling nature and visions of Victor Hugo, place this novel among the masterpieces of humanity. "Les Misérables is a true poem”, wrote Arthur Rimbaud in his famous Lettre du Voyant to Paul Demeny (May 15, 1871).

A planetary launch : “be published everywhere at the same time” (Victor Hugo)

Pierre-Jules Hetzel was the ideal publisher for Les Misérables. He had published Les Contemplations (1856) and La Légende des siècles (1859). But the sum of 300,000 francs required by Victor Hugo stopped him (around €5 million today, according to J.M. Hovasse’s calculations) as well as the difficulty of publishing such a colossal work.

Two young Belgian publishers, Lacroix and Verboeckhoven, accepted Victor Hugo’s offer even though they didn’t have the funds. Their gamble was all the more daring in that they were taking the risk of the book’s distribution being prohibited in France. Victor Hugo’s political works - Napoléon le petit (1852) and Les Châtiments (1853) – had indeed been banned. Les Contemplations was a supposedly non-political collection. But with foresight, Victor Hugo, had managed to obtain a double publication, both in Brussels and Paris, so if the French edition fell under the ban, there would still be the Belgian edition. He did the same with the ensuing collection, La Légende des siècles.

For Les Misérables, Victor Hugo perfected the formula by staggering the publication in three intervals during the spring and summer of 1862. But on top of this double Belgian and French publication, the Belgian editors’ great idea was to organize a planetary launch of Les Misérables for the first time in the history of publishing. The volumes were to “be published everywhere in the world on the same day” (to Paul Meurice, March 18, 1862). Albert Lacroix reminded Victor Hugo of the feat of such an undertaking : “to have 10 volumes accepted in three months - 60 francs, to have this book penetrate everywhere and make of the French work of Victor Hugo the universal work par excellence, the work awaited by the whole world, moved, I don’t think that many publishers in Paris would have succeeded, perhaps not even one” (letter from Albert Lacroix, June 5, 1862).

Never had a book had such an impact at its publication. The volumes came out in a dozen countries at the same time – and always in French (which recalls the importance of the French language at that time). The 6,000 copies of the first two volumes of the French edition were all sold the very evening of their release in bookstores on April 3, 1862. Speculation was immediately rife. It was necessary to repatriate copies from Brussels which were immediately sold out. Nine translations were undertaken at the same time, with varying editions from one to the other : Hungarian (1200 copies), Spanish (5000), Portuguese for Rio de Janeiro (1500), Dutch (1600), Spanish for South America (1650), English, German, Italian and Polish (3000 each).

The only obstacle to an even wider distribution of the novel was the very high cost of the volumes. Less well-off readers would join together to purchase one volume, taking it in turns to read it, then tossing a coin to see who would keep it. Therefore, Victor Hugo pressed his publishers to market a popular edition, more accessible to make “a commotion in the masses” (to Albert Lacroix, February 27, 1862). In the end, the popular edition was published only in 1865. It is the great edition in one volume, illustrated by Gustave Brion, with wood engravings, and whose production was considerable.

Théodore de Banville and Victor Hugo

Théodore de Banville was younger than Victor Hugo in age and in literature. He belonged to the generation of Baudelaire. Théodore de Banville could not escape Victor Hugo’s influence any more than any other writer. He never hid his admiration and his debt towards the Master, till the end. In the eyes of Banville, Victor Hugo was the total poet, excelling in all categories : “Hugo sums up in himself the ultimate perfection, the strength of our epic, lyrical and dramatic poetry. One is a poet in direct purpose of the intensity with which one admires and understands his titanic works” (Petit traité de poésie française, 1872). To the great displeasure of Leconte de Lisle, justification of Parnassian poetry for Banville passed by the recognition of Victor Hugo. The filiation is clearly claimed from Les Cariatide, Banville’s first collection, inspired by the intimist poetry of Hugo, whose preface ends significantly :

“As for the rest, Victor Hugo, always Victor Hugo, Victor Hugo anyhow”.

The Odes funambulesques are a direct extension of the first poems of Victor Hugo. Théodore de Banville had always wanted to be linked with the generation of 1830, which wasn’t his own. The most important section of the Odes funambulesques is called Les Occidentales, echoing the Orientales, one of Victor Hugo’s first collections. The preface of the Odes funambulesques recalls this line of Victor Hugo, qualified as the “father of new lyrical poetry, half-god who shaped contemporary literature in the image of his brain, the illustrious and glorious carver of the Orientales”. Obviously, Victor Hugo would reply to Banville with a most pleasant letter, qualifying the Odes funambulesques as one of the “lyrical monuments of the century”.

The influence might have been reciprocal. When Les Chanson des rues et des bois was published, Émile Deschanel, Hugo’s companion in exile, underlined Banville’s contribution to these new poems of the Master :

Les Chanson des rues et des bois are only perhaps, in so many passages, just an echo of the Odes funambulesques. Banville had fun reflecting the poetry of the Orientales in his Occidentales et Autres Guitares. In turn, the powerful poet of great adorned metaphors had fun, here and there turning the barrel organ with Banville… it was for Théodore de Banville a great honor to have magnetized the genius himself and to have brought forth from this powerful brain a few sparks of a new color” (Le National, January 11, 1874).

When Les Chanson des rues et des bois was published, Banville wrote to Victor Hugo : “As with every time I read you, I feel this ineffable pleasure of feeling reassured on the present and future of poetry” (letter of October 16, 1865)

In 1873, Banville published a famous Ballade de Victor Hugo, père de tous les rimeurs whose final verse of each strophe repeats : “But the father is over there, on the island”.

We can multiply the examples., Banville’s work regularly recalls what it owes to Victor Hugo, in direct homages, in the quotes, in the dedications. This inscription by Victor Hugo to Banville on Les Misérables fits perfectly into this perspective of recognition.

Théodore de Banville, sole defender of Les Misérables

Apart from Banville, there were no defenders of Les Misérables among the great authors, so much so that one could talk of the “conspiracy of silence” (Louis Jourdan to Victor Hugo, July 23, 1862) : “one could say that your enemies, our enemies alone have the floor” (ibid.). Some did not react, others were extremely critical but mainly in their private correspondence. This silence from the writers regarding Les Misérables was perfectly explained by Flaubert following the publication of the last volume : “everything that touches a pen must have too much gratitude to Hugo to afford a criticism” (to Edma Roger des Genettes, July 1862).

Among his old friends, Sainte-Beuve and Prosper Mérimée said nothing in the press. Mérimée however confided in a letter of June 2, 1862 : “If the book were less ridiculous and less long, it could be dangerous” (letter to Madame de Montijo). Théophile Gautier spoke about anything and nothing in the Moniteur to avoid talking of Les Misérables. Alexandre Dumas admitted, also in private, that he had suffered when reading the novel. Flaubert was exasperated at having to postpone the publication of Salammbô, first to autumn then to winter, having agreed that “old man Hugo” would take “the whole place for him alone for a longtime” (to Ernest Feydeau, January 2, 1862). He reproached Hugo his digressions : “There are ! There are !” (letter to Edma Roger des Genettes, July [ ?] 1862). These digressions were exactly what pleased George Sand.

The more recent friends, Michelet and George Sand, were dismayed by the presence at the opening of the novel of Monseigneur Bienvenu, bishop of Digne - a saint figure in a socialist novel. The Catholic opposition, for its part, was surprised. The release of the first volumes completely disrupted the usual dividing lines. This changed with the publication of the last four volumes which were much more political and violent than the first part.

Théodore de Banville was the only great writer to defend Les Misérables openly in the press, and in private. Victor Hugo recalled that Théodore de Banville was pleased to count “the seven hundred forty articles published against me in the Catholic papers of Belgium, Italy, Austria and Spain” (letter to Octave Lacroix, June 30, 1862). Banville published a first laudatory article in Le Boulevard, May18 :

“theaters can put on mediocre plays, and we, we can sit there in our stalls in impunity ; what we see is not what is played. This epic drama of Les Misérables, we believe we are seeing it represented everywhere. Absent, [Victor Hugo] is in our midst and we are listening to him, his powerful gesture encourages us to the struggles of poetry, it is his voice, it is his breath, it is his thought which fills our theaters, where we do not play his dramas but where the echo still quivers in his sovereign step”.

Another writer defended Les Misérables with a laudatory article which has become very famous : Baudelaire, and it was in the same paper, Le Boulevard, that he had published his article a few months before de Banville’s. At the time of writing his article, Baudelaire had only been able to read the two first volumes of the novel, the others not having been published as yet. Several months later, in August, he reneged. He sent his copy of Les Misérables to his mother attaching a letter denigrating Victor Hugo’s novel, but especially criticizing the Hugo clan, in the ambiguous relationship he had with him : “the Hugo family and the disciples horrify me”.

When Banville published a second article on July 6 in Le Boulevard, he tried in part to buy Baudelaire’s silence, and continued there where the poet of Fleurs du mal had stopped : “all hands hold these last volumes, all eyes devour them, all souls live bent over the fatality of this powerful tragedy”. Victor Hugo was grateful for this support from Banville and replied to him immediately : “I am in the center of a persecution and a fight, all the old absolutist and bigoted cliques are having a field day, I like that anyway and I like this war where truth cannot fail to win, but I also like that truth has assistance [… ] I venture to tell you : you have made a magnificent page here, you are a superb and charming spirit” (letter of July 8, 1862). Théodore de Banville was indeed the assistant of Victor Hugo in this new battle of Hernani.

Banville at the center of the "banquet of Les Misérables"

The novel sold so well that the publishers Lacroix and Verboeckhoven recovered their costs very quickly. To thank Victor Hugo, they organized a great banquet in Brussels in September 1862 at Lacroix’s. Journalists and friends of Victor Hugo from all over Europe were invited. Many of them had not seen him since his departure into exile in 1851, others had never seen him because they were too young at the time. Among the French writers invited, only Théodore de Banville was present. Neither Flaubert, George Sand, nor Dumas were invited. Théophile Gautier did not come. Théodore de Banville therefore found himself the most prominent writer at the party celebrating the author of Les Misérables.

Victor Hugo placed these great reunions under the sign of freedom of the press. He gave a fine speech. A big photo-reportage – one of the first of its kind – was undertaken at this occasion. The guests numbered eighty men, plus Juliette Drouet. Each of the guests was photographed. Outside of Banville and a few others, the participants looked alike on the pictures, all dressed in black, bearded or mustached. Victor Hugo also offered each of his guests a portrait of himself, taken the day before and printed in eighty copies, with the caption “Souvenir of September 16, 1862” followed by his signature in ink. Théodore de Banville wrote a magical account of this party which was published in L’Artiste.

The list of inscriptions for the copies of Les Misérables is not known. It is assumed that the press service must hardly have differed from that of Contemplations – which is known. The majority of the inscriptions for Les Contemplations were addressed to journalists, some writers (including Théodore de Banville) and the family circle. Curiously we never come across an inscription on Les Misérables.

“Lortic, appointed bookbinder of Baudelaire and the cenacle that surrounded him” (Jacques Guérin catalog)

The other exceptional aspect of this copy is that it was bound by Lortic. If the inscription directly connects Banville to Victor Hugo, Lortic’s elegant binding immediately evokes Baudelaire. It turns out that Hugo and Baudelaire, together in this copy, are the two poets – as different as they may be - that Banville frequented all his life.

Banville’s copy of Les Misérables bears Lortic’s signature five times, finely stamped on the tail of the spine of each of the volumes. The name of Lortic on a half Jansenist binding immediately evokes Baudelaire. The meeting of Charles Baudelaire and Lortic the bookbinder, defines an unequaled modernity in matters of copies of French literature for the future of bibliophilia. Lortic’s signature stamped in gilt letters on the spine of a binding from then on constitutes a sort of Grail for each copy, a pledge of posterity.

This binding by Lortic of Les Misérables reminds us that Théodore de Banville stood between two worlds : that of Victor Hugo and Baudelaire. Baudelaire and Banville’s friendship was old and Banville was even a part of Baudelaire’s “cenacle”. It is worth remembering right away that it was he, with a few other close friends of the poet, who published the edition of Baudelaire’s Œuvres complètes a year after his death. For Banville and many others, the publication of Fleurs du Mal acted as a counter point or an alternative to the total poetic supremacy of Victor Hugo. The worship of Banville for Hugo did not for all that weaken ; it coexisted with the friendship and admiration that Banville had for Baudelaire.

Baudelaire entrusted Lortic not only with copies of his own library but also with works which he had authored and which, once bound, he intended to gift. When the binding is wanted from the outset by the author of a book, it belongs fully to the copy in the same way as the paper or the print characters, except that it makes it unique. In this sense, the copies of Fleurs du mal bound by Lortic at Baudelaire’s request constitute an unsurpassable summit.

We can quickly recall the copies known today of Fleurs du Mal bound by Lortic.

We know of seven copies still in existence of Fleurs du Mal bound by Lortic. Six of them show an inscription by Baudelaire to their addressee. Two other copies were originally bound by Lortic before their binding was broken : Charles Asselineau’s copy on holland, Achille Fould’s copy, also on holland. Both were then bound by Marius Michel. One can only regret that these copies saw their binding broken to be replaced by a later binding. It is indeed a part of Baudelairian modernity and his magic, which have disappeared. A tenth copy, that of Poulet-Malassis, also bound by Lortic in half lemon morocco belonged to Alexandrine de Rothschild and was plundered during the Second World War.

Baudelaire had therefore entrusted at least four copies to Lortic of Fleurs du Mal on holland. Their binding must also have been decided by Charles Baudelaire : the one he had kept for himself but which he gave to his mother, that of Madame Sabatier, that of Poulet-Malassis and that of Achille Fould. The only two remaining copies on holland bound by Lortic are thus those of Madame Aupick and Madame Sabatier since Fould’s copy had its Lortic binding torn and that of Auguste Poulet-Malassis which was plundered.

When Maurice Chalvet described these copies of Fleurs du Mal on holland bound by Lortic, he recognized that they stood out :

“by the thinness of the boards, the narrowness of the turn-ins, the accentuated bulge of the spine, the finesse of five raised bands, very protruding, set with caissons à froid and the gilt of the title barely touching the very polished morocco. The work finds an additional elegance in the fact that it had been beaten almost to excess. All things specific to half-binding that Lortic seems to have abandoned, once great success came”.

This reciprocal choice of Baudelaire and Lortic definitively established Lortic as the bookbinder of modernity. His style of bindings evolved as soon as he began publishing his “modern” contemporaries (and not ancient texts). A sober decoration appeared, forsaking neo-renaissance style bindings. Lortic’s bindings are distinguished by their classicism, simplicity and finesse. The five small signatures aligned on Victor Hugo’s colossal novel connect, in very small characters, the great writer and the poet of modernity.

By extension, in Baudelaire’s circle, he who has his books bound by Lortic fits in with this modernity. Lortic appears as the mark of recognition of a whole generation of poets. For example, Charles Asselineau and Baudelaire both had their own copy of Madame Bovary bound by Lortic (for Asselineau’s copy : Jacques Guérin sale of June 4, 1986, n° 16 ; copy of Madame Bovary with inscription to Baudelaire is preserved in the Jean Bonna collection (cf. Passages d’encre, p. 125).

Charles Asselineau obviously stands within this Baudelarian cenacle which had its copies bound by Lortic. It is even supposed that it was Asselineau who took Baudelaire to the Lortic workshop the first time :

“We are crossing the Pont-Neuf. Here we are on rue de la Monnaie. At the first house on the left, the demon drags me and pushes me down the stairs. Two floors, and we enter a salon. This salon, I know it, it is that of L***, the famous bookbinder, my ordinary worker” (L’Enfer du bibliophile, 1860)

The Catalogue de la bibliothèque romantique de feu M. Charles Asselineau reveals some forty volumes bound by Lortic. His copy of Fleurs du Mal y appears under n° 68 : “mar. r., fil., dos orné, dent. int., tr. dor. (Lortic). Première éd. ; un des dix exemplaires sur papier vergé, avec envoi autographe signé de l’auteur”. ("mar. r. fil. gilt spine, dent. int., gilt edg. (Lortic) First iss. One of ten copies on laid paper, with autograph inscription signed by the author") Likewise, his two copies of Odes funambulesques are both bound by Lortic.

Baudelaire’s apartment and books described by Banville

Baudelaire owned very few books. They were stowed away in a cupboard near the bottles. Théodore de Banville gives one of the most important descriptions known of Baudelaire’s apartment on quai d’Anjou, when he was young :

“the first time that I was received at Baudelaire’s, he lived in a small apartment in the Hôtel Pimodan on quai d’Anjou on the île Saint-Louis. At the time he was this handsome young man of twenty with scarlet lips and deep light eyes, with a silky, virgin beard, naturally curly long black hair and quite similar to Paganini’s, whose portrait Émile Deroy had left, that Bracquemond had engraved and that is owned today by Charles Asselineau.

On entering Baudelaire’s, my eyes were invincibly attracted by a woman’s head, which, though very dark and yet luminous, suffering, lived in a large flamboyant gilt frame, with deep grooves and various and varied planes which by learned inflections, followed each other smoothly and in a way so as to produce a beautiful harmonious line. Taken and subjugated in the first instant by the irresistible seduction of this painting, I couldn’t take my eyes off it, and to tell the truth, I saw nothing else.

It is not however, that the poet’s lodging was bare of what could excite the interest and curiosity, as it resembled him perfectly ! It was strangely composed of a very small ante chamber, a large and beautiful room with an alcove, whose sole window gave onto the river, and of several very small cabinets with windows but no fireplaces which grouped together around the room, like buds around a flower. Each of these cabinets contained one of those antique pieces of furniture with drawers, in ebony or tortoiseshell, that are also known as cabinets. In the center of the large room there was an enormous 18th century walnut table whose oval cut, those imperceptible undulations the secret of which old time cabinetmakers have taken with them, made it possible to be seated comfortably everywhere, the body entered and as embedded in the table.

As for the furniture to sit on, it was very big, very wide and covered in gray cloth covers. On the fireplace between two very old copper candlesticks with two branches, a terracotta of a group of two naked women, modeled by Feuchères, representing the nymph Callisto in the arms of Zeus who has taken the appearance of Artemis, and dedicated by the artist to Baudelaire.

In a cupboard whose door was open, I saw some books, very few, sumptuously donned in full binding, in fawn calfskin for the most part. They were 16th century poets in first editions. Sparkling on the same shelves were a few bottles of wine from the Rhine and emerald-colored glasses.

The walls of all the rooms were uniformly covered in a glazed paper with large flowers, alternately colored purple and black. On these walls, there were lithographs by Delacroix on Hamlet, simply placed under glass, and the head of the woman I spoke about” (“Charles Baudelaire”, in La Renaissance littéraire et artistique, n° 1, April 27, 1872).

Another description of Baudelaire’s apartment corroborates Théodore de Banville’s testimony :

“the glassware and crockery remained hidden in deep cupboards which also served as a refuge for books. In the thickness of the walls of Pimodan, old French and Latin poets, especially those of the decadence, for the most part in magnificently bound old editions, stood side by side with multicolored Bohemian glasses, plates, old earthenware dishes, cut crystal coupes and bottles of Rhine wine. If a friend came to visit at quai d’Anjou, the great pleasure of the master of the house was to show him, negligently without seeming to insist, a precious book, a very rare bauble or some choice glassware which seemed abandoned at the back of a cupboard” (P. Guilly).

This description of Baudelaire’s apartment by Banville dates back to before the meeting of Baudelaire and Lortic. The “fawn calfskin” copies are alas not identifiable since Baudelaire did not have an ex-libris. It was after his meeting with Lortic that Baudelaire claimed ownership in a way of a few rare copies. He then had Lortic stamp his cipher “C. B.” on the tail of their spine. Théodore de Banville would do the same for the copies of his own books that he had bound by Lortic.

Charles Baudelaire and Théodore de Banville

Banville and Baudelaire were of the same generation and their mutual influence was much more important than one might think : “to study Baudelaire without reading Banville is nonsense” (J.-M. Hovasse). They knew each other from their youth as Banville relates in his memoir :

“I had the joy, the inestimable fortune of meeting Baudelaire and loving him, when he had just turned twenty” (Mes souvenirs, 1883). They had even successively had the same mistress, Marie Daubrun. As the ultimate sign of confidence, Baudelaire had sent his manuscripts to Banville a few days before his attempted suicide (1846).

Baudelaire and Théodore de Banville both published their masterpieces with the same publisher, Poulet-Malassis, in 1857. Baudelaire sent Banville one of the precious copies of Fleurs du Mal printed on holland. There is no doubt that Banville gifted Baudelaire a copy of Odes funambulesques.

Banville would always defend Les Fleurs du Mal and its author, as much in articles as in his correspondence, as he would later with Les Misérables. He described Baudelaire’s collection as “the most romantic and the most modern of all the books of these times, the wonderful book entitled Les Fleurs du Mal… where one feels the flame and the breath of the genius”. For his part, Baudelaire recalls that Banville was a poet of happiness, a rare quality : “Banville’s poetry represents the most beautiful hours of life, that is to say, the hours when one feels happy to think and to live”.

When Baudelaire died, Banville composed a complete panegyric of his friend, praising the man and his work, protesting against the attacks which the reputation of the poet had suffered so much. With Charles Asselineau, Théophile Gautier and Poulet-Malassis, Banville would together direct the posthumous publication of Baudelaire’s Œuvres complètes (1868), a monument and true memorial that their friend had so desired. When Asselineau died in 1874, Théodore de Banville recalled this unfailing friendship : “When a mysterious illness, striking, alas ! such a beautiful genius, overcame the poet of Fleurs du Mal, it is with tireless devotion, with fraternal solicitude that Charles Asselineau, hour by hour, encouraged, fortified, consoled this broken soul, torn by the struggles of life” (p. XVI). This Discours prononcé sur la tombe de Monsieur Charles Asselineau (speech delivered at the tomb of Mr. Charles Asselineau) by Théodore de Banville would be published at the head of the catalog of Asselineau’s library, in 1875.

Théodore de Banville’s library has unfortunately not as yet been studied enough. He was no stranger to Lortic’s art. For example, he had Lortic bind his own copy of his first book Les Cariatides (1842). The copy is thus described in the Jacques Guérin sale catalog (June 4, 1986 n° 2) : “copy of the author, bound by Lortic, assigned bookbinder of Baudelaire and the cenacle that surrounded him, and stamped with his initials on the spine”.

This copy of Les Misérables with inscription to Banville and bound by Lortic is situated at the crossroads great markers of force of the 19th century : it brings together Victor Hugo and Baudelaire in a copy of the greatest French novel of the 19th century – if only by the importance of worldwide fame. The inscription to Banville alone is already extraordinary. Inscriptions on Les Misérables are very rare. This one is all the more significant in that it is addressed to the main poet and critic to defend Les Misérables, defying the jealousies of each other. Théodore de Banville had immediately understood the capital importance of this novel, not only its fictional power – not stopping at the easy clichés of a heaviness yet constitutive of a work so powerful as to move (do we not also reproach War and Peace for example, for its theoretical lengths and a too great multiplicity of characters ?) but Banville understood also and especially the genius characteristic of Les Misérables, its poetic force carried by a visionary breath. The binding he had done by Lortic constitutes an ultimate recognition by Banville of the modernity of the great work of Victor Hugo, made to travel through time. Posterity would agree with him. Rimbaud who was familiar with slightly disordered verse, was right : Les Misérables is a real poem.

REFERENCES : 1. sur Victor Hugo et Théodore de Banville : Jean-Marc Hovasse, Banville-Hugo, Communication au Groupe Hugo, 6 décembre 1997, consultable en ligne -- Jean-Marc Hovasse, Victor Hugo, Paris, 2008, II, pp. 385-386(sur Les Contemplations), 695 et suiv., 711, 724, 740. Nous remercions M. Jean-Marc Hovasse pour la sympathique attention qu’il porte à nos travaux ; 2. sur Baudelaire : Julien Bogousslavsky et Jean-Paul Goujon, “Dédicaces sur les éditions originales des Fleurs du Mal”, in revue Histoires littéraires, n° 64, 2015 ; André Guyaux, Baudelaire. Une demi-siècle de lectures des Fleurs du Mal (1855-1905), Paris, 2007 -- catalogue de la bibliothèque de Charles Asselineau, consultable en ligne ; 3. sur Lortic : blog du bibliophile : https://bibliophilie.blogspot.com/2017/06/paris-bibliophile-sur-les-pas-des.html ; 4. sur l’appartement de Baudelaire : Théodore de Banville, ”Charles Baudelaire”, in La Renaissance littéraire et artistique, n° 1, 27 avril 1872 -- Paul Guilly, Découverte de l’île Saint Louis, Paris, 1955, pp. 239 et 252